Padrões de interação estratégica nas eleições presidenciais de 2018: atores e temáticas
Gregorio, Paulo Cesar dos Santos
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Right-wing movements have a growing order today and find support in the pillars and logic of modern democracy, supporting the ideals of liberalism, conservatism, authoritarianism and populism. This recent scenario is accompanied by growing dissatisfaction with politics and has had repercussions on both recent and consolidated democracies. In Brazil, social actors linked to the right-wing gained social representation and visibility, disseminating an anti-system discourse partially attributed to the impact of anti-corruption operations and the economic recession between 2014 and 2016. Indeed, in the elections for the presidency 2018, the disintegration of the electoral alliance traditionally held with MDB/PSDB and the fragmentation of the candidacies of right and center-right parties, provoked a change in the dynamic of strategic interaction that would have ceased to be polarized between PT and PSDB. Therefore, we have set the main objective of this work to identify and understand the patterns of strategic interaction in the 2018 presidential elections, indicating which were the themes prioritized by the parties, either by the emphasis on advantageous subjects in relation to the electorate or, when in network interaction with other parties, those who consider harmful to the opponent. In a first block, we noticed in all the applications the appeal anti System and Political Reform. In the spectrum of center-right and right-wing applications, the prominence in both the Manifesto and the television campaign advertising (HGPE) is based mainly on liberal economic ideology - with the exception of the PSL, in the emphasis of conservative values in topics such as family, abortion and the nationalist narrative in HGPE. Our results also point out that although PT and PSL have not significantly interacted with each other, these parties were, through the interaction of third ones - notably PSDB, MDB, PODEMOS and PDT -, the central poles in the strategic interaction network built on HGPE. Constituting as a strategy of those who are at a disadvantage in the electoral race, the negative propaganda, directed primarily to the PSL and the PT, did not have the expected effect. On the contrary, the evidence presented here suggests that it may have boosted both applications, especially that of the PSL. Consisting of networks of mostly direct interactions, carried out by the opposing candidate himself or by the narrator off, PT and PSL were associated, respectively, with corruption and the spread of fake news and, together, with polarization.
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