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listelement.badge.dso-typeItem, As memórias do passado e do futuro na constituição do sujeito: uma análise de enunciados de imigrantes italianos no Brasil(Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2008-03-04) Montessi, Mauri Siqueira; Miotello, Valdemir; https://lattes.cnpq.br/9131819326282708; https://lattes.cnpq.br/8479829181385018In this research, it was intended to show that Memories of Past and the Memories of Future, as created by Bakhtin, shared collectively by individuals in a social organization that produces self-images of those individuals in interaction. To defend that point of view, firstly it was necessary to define the original images of the individuals through their speech, and then to analyze how those memories have participated in that construction. First of all the corpus to analyze has been chosen: three books written by Italian immigrants that moved to Brazil when they were young and lived all their lives here. The construction of the images was considered like construction of identities. That process was studied as an otherness, i.e., identities are built from others. In the analysis, it was observed that the relationship between Memories of the Past and Memories of the Future, the latter project a future of peace, tranquility etc, and the former bring to present a past of pain, sorrow, poverty etc, created images of lawful individuals, workers, happy, persistent etc; and there was a direct relationship between those memories and those identities, i.e., one producing the otherlistelement.badge.dso-typeItem, Parentesco e aliança entre os Kalapalo do Alto Xingu(Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2008-03-04) Guerreiro Júnior, Antonio Roberto; Cardoso, Marina Denise; https://lattes.cnpq.br/1494640146100817The main aim of this paper is to describe and analyze the marriage alliance system of the Kalapalo, a karib-speaking group from Alto Xingu (MT), by means of a critical review of the available hypothesis on the xinguan kinship and the presentation of newer ethnographical data on alliance in relation to the presently available ones in the anthropological literature about the region. Such data allow to identify the types of existing unions and its respective statistical trends, subsidizing the test of the current hypotheses on the forms of transmission and production of affinity in upper-xinguan systems in the ethnographical context of the kalapalo system. Still, one becomes able to question about the real reach and also the limits of the hypothesis on the alliance structure of the peoples of the region to be of the (patri)multibilateral type, therefore the data disclose the existence of an ideal and a strong trend among the Kalapalo for the matrilateral marriage. Considering that the matrilateral exchange is not a common fact in indigenous Amazonia, where variations of the patrilateral marriage prevail, this characteristic of the kalapalo system leads us to question the multibilateral model considered for the upper-xinguan systems, and becomes a basic problem to investigate how these different structures combine in one same system. For that, a diachronical analysis of some alliance nets will be made, considering the conditions of production and redoubling of unions as well as the coexistence of two exchange structures (one patri and another matrilateral), what will lead to a definition of the kalapalo system as "complex" and to the association of the matrilateral marriages with the institution of chieftaincy.listelement.badge.dso-typeItem, Internet, democracia e eleições : as cibercampanhas presidenciais brasileiras em 2006(Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2008-03-04) Iasulaitis, Sylvia; Azevedo, Fernando Antonio Farias de; https://lattes.cnpq.br/4226275371443693This dissertation has the general objective of contributing to the theoretical and empirical comprehension of the implications of the internet for democracy and electoral processes. We analyze the cyberparadigms and the normative assumptions that influenced thematic production. The adopted analytical standpoint aims to apply the premises deriving from the theoretical apparatus of reference to a concrete empirical context, trying to balance the strong normative assumptions and overcome the notion of technological determinism present in much of the literature. This way, we delimit the way the internet is being used in electoral processes, its possibilities and limits, promoting an adaptation of expectations. We use a critical approach to be able to scrutinize the potential of the internet in reinvigorating democracy and its processes and exploring its actual conditions of production in specific political-electoral contexts, bringing elements of political culture to the center of the debate. For this analysis we used a systematic empirical base and a temporal specification: the Brazilian political-electoral context during the presidential race of 2006. The objects of investigation in a comparative perspective were the websites of the two main candidates for the Presidency of the Republic in the 2006 contest: Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) and Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB). Specifically, the empirical investigation was guided by the following research queries: 1) What are the functions and possibilities of interaction and participation in electoral websites? 2) Are there differences between the websites of the Alckmin and Lula campaigns in terms of sophistication and design that indicate different levels of professionalism? 3) What are the strategies of the cybercampaigns? 4) According to the options on offer, what is the main targeted public of the websites? This investigation began from four hypotheses: 1) the electoral websites will reflect more the function of top-down and one-way, neglecting the interactive possibilities of the new media in promoting dialogue with the electorate; 2) there will be convergence and standardization, instead of differentiation between parties, in the way of usage of the Brazilian political websites; 3) the online strategy will be centered more in attracting predisposed and politically active constituents, as well as grabbing the attention of media professionals, then apathetic and demobilized citizens, and finally 4) the Internet will be an important space for negative campaigning on part of Alckmin, due to his position of challenger in the contest and due to the political context that preceded the electoral race, highly scarred by accusations of corruption, as well as legal loopholes in relation to the internet. The reelection candidacy of President Lula will be centered in the publication of endorsements and in the retrospective strategy of incorporating symbols of the post of president and exploring actions of his first term in office. The methodological strategy adopted is based on the research design of Content Analysis of websites, applied on three levels of analysis: functional, formal, and content of the clippings and persuasive strategies of the candidates. These analytical dimensions are composed by indicators, typologies, and many categories that comprise diverse dichotomous variables.listelement.badge.dso-typeItem, Democracia e participação no sistema educacional paulista: do discurso à prática Penápolis, um estudo sobre o processo de reorganização das Diretorias de Ensino(Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2008-03-04) Ronconi, Surlei; Marques, Waldemar; https://lattes.cnpq.br/6742957330556077This work aims to unveil the contradictions between the PSDB democratic discourse and the practice of its rulers before the educational reform promoted by this political party, especially in the state of São Paulo. In order to achieve that we read, analyzed and interpreted several documents by PSDB, which guide the political practices of its rulers both in the democratic and in the educational areas. We confronted all this information with the action of party rulers through the laws, decrees and resolutions issued during the terms of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) and PSDB governors of the state of Sao Paulo, emphasizing Mário Covas s. Our field research was conducted in the city of Penápolis, which was directly affected by one of the measures adopted when the state educational system was reformed, that is, the closing down of he local board of education in April 1999. The city board of education is the link between local schools and the State Board of Education (SEE) and it was closed down due to restructuring done at the SEE. Due to the services offered by the local board, there was a strong reaction from the community, which put in motion a struggle for the reopening of the local board of education. It was actually reopened on June 29, 2006, now under a different name. Because of this struggle a unique fact happened in Penápolis: the election of the local board chairman instead of his indication by the state government. This was achieved after the formation of a Council composed of local and regional representatives from the town s administration as well as public school teachers. Nevertheless, we conclude that even though the facts that happened in Penápolis point to the possibility of a widening of democratic practices concerning powers of decision, this has not changed the governmental actions as a whole. The SEE still centralizes all decisions what shows the contradiction between PSDB s democratic discourse and governmental practices.